PAPER PRESENTED AT THE FOURTH CONGRESS OF AMERICAN POLITICAL SCIENCE
ABSTRACT: The text addresses the political thought of authors like González Prada and Mariategui, who addressed the problem of the Indian in Latin American political reality. Analyzes the initial revolutionary projects of a Panamanian leftist thinker, like Diogenes de la Rosa, in order to identify possible influences of thought Mariátegui, and whether it makes the Indian problem in its initial gravitate revolutionary projects. Recovers the value of the actions of indigenous Panamanians those who travel the path of the historical subject in venues such as the exercise of constitutional reform in 1994. It recovers the value of the democratic system as a way to achieve economic and social responses that require the Indian problem, and there is a need to know, by any progressive proposal, of democratic rules, indispensable tools in the current array of struggles to transform reality.
I. Introduction
This essay had its origin in some reflections that arise after completion of the Development Courses Political and Social Thought in Latin America and Political and Social History of Panama taught by Dr. Alfredo Castillero Hoyos and Enrique Rascon Master in the Master of Social Science with emphasis in Sociology and Political Science, delivered at the University of the Americas Specialized (UDELAS).
ABSTRACT: The text addresses the political thought of authors like González Prada and Mariategui, who addressed the problem of the Indian in Latin American political reality. Analyzes the initial revolutionary projects of a Panamanian leftist thinker, like Diogenes de la Rosa, in order to identify possible influences of thought Mariátegui, and whether it makes the Indian problem in its initial gravitate revolutionary projects. Recovers the value of the actions of indigenous Panamanians those who travel the path of the historical subject in venues such as the exercise of constitutional reform in 1994. It recovers the value of the democratic system as a way to achieve economic and social responses that require the Indian problem, and there is a need to know, by any progressive proposal, of democratic rules, indispensable tools in the current array of struggles to transform reality.
I. Introduction
This essay had its origin in some reflections that arise after completion of the Development Courses Political and Social Thought in Latin America and Political and Social History of Panama taught by Dr. Alfredo Castillero Hoyos and Enrique Rascon Master in the Master of Social Science with emphasis in Sociology and Political Science, delivered at the University of the Americas Specialized (UDELAS).
They are intended to take a look at the musings conducted by one of the first Latin American Marxist thinkers, in addressing the issue of the Indian. This implies an interesting exercise (which will have a time limit for the analysis of selected texts, the decade of the thirties), they suggest the value of Latin American contribution to Marxist political thought in Latin America, and will see if this thinking has influenced or not, the novel Reflections on the left Panama, in this case represented by Diogenes de la Rosa.
For thinkers have chosen to Manuel González Prada and José Carlos Mariategui, representatives of Latin American anarchism and Marxism. Both authors Peruvians, despite ideological differences, have the distinction of who initiated and developed in your country (if not the hemisphere) reflection on indigenous issues in some cases challenging the orthodoxy.
Thus the book aims to briefly cover relevant texts of the aforementioned authors on indigenous issues, not forgetting occasional reference to other texts that his serve to contextualize the ideological background of the author-and then contrast it with the seminal revolutionary proposal Diogenes de la Rosa. On this last thinker will raise more questions than answers, the main one that is made to the role of the Indian theme in his seminal revolutionary project.
To analyze the thinking of Diogenes de la Rosa, reference is made to selected texts: Aprismo: Confucianism, Manifesto of the Central Organizing Committee of the Workers Party (Marxist Leninist) and Victoriano Lorenzo (Point of View) I and II [1 ] , and perhaps some work that will serve to rescue the inclusion of the Indian problem in its further reflections [2] . Let us
without equivocation to what is only intended as a rough approximation (tentative character) in the field.
II. The Indian Problem in Mariátegui
José Carlos Mariategui La Chira, journalist, writer , political , thinker, essayist and socialist Peruvian, who is also considered one of the main American Marxist thinkers, was born on June 14, 1894 and died on April 16, 1930.
II. The Indian Problem in Mariátegui
José Carlos Mariategui La Chira, journalist, writer , political , thinker, essayist and socialist Peruvian, who is also considered one of the main American Marxist thinkers, was born on June 14, 1894 and died on April 16, 1930.
This disciple of Manuel González Prada [3] , and then turn political rival classmate Victor Raul Haya de la Torre (founder of the Peruvian APRA) provides a political debate to find a Peruvian Marxist, which is not a reproduction of European recipes.
This effort by other heterodox, ran counter to the deficiencies of the doctrine (eurocentric) developed by Marx, who perhaps did not have categories that they comply with the need to find a different historical subjects such as Latin American countries; or beyond the contradictions inherent in the Third International.
Concerning the latter can comment that:
"the basic contradiction of the strategic working of the Second International on the colonial problem category that also covered the Latin American reality-was that, while the Communists claimed to support the national revolutionary movement opposed to imperialism , claimed that they tried to create essentially ended communist parties of the proletariat, as a condition inexcusable for the triumph of the colonial revolution " [4] . But
Leninism of the Third International "that would ultimately undermine and nullify that Marxism as a theoretical way of human self-emancipation movement, held also virtually the possibility of thinking the processing of non-European societies from a new perspective " [5] . However
"the basic contradiction of the strategic working of the Second International on the colonial problem category that also covered the Latin American reality-was that, while the Communists claimed to support the national revolutionary movement opposed to imperialism , claimed that they tried to create essentially ended communist parties of the proletariat, as a condition inexcusable for the triumph of the colonial revolution " [4] . But
Leninism of the Third International "that would ultimately undermine and nullify that Marxism as a theoretical way of human self-emancipation movement, held also virtually the possibility of thinking the processing of non-European societies from a new perspective " [5] . However
Leninism inability to reach the logical conclusion of your intuition (as the previous reading), buried in the end by a tradition workerist paradoxically helps to consolidate; Mariátegui start your way to a Peruvian Marxist, following (to our taste) very closely the thread of argument from his teacher Prada Our Indians, but as a caution, passes through different ideological paths.
In " Indian Problem "published in the book Seven Interpretive Essays on Peruvian reality (1928) Mariátegui develops a series of ideas which can be summarized by lot of maxims as follows: a) the Indian problem is a socio-economic problem that has its home on private property, it is impossible the removal of the problem as long as there gamonalismo [6] , and therefore not expressed the need for expropriation of property landowner b) why the Indian problem is not a legal problem or administrative, as the practice (supported by the impunity that the Centre provides patronage and political reasons to the bosses in the regions) is different from the law, which well absorbed by the individualistic nature of property (collectively "?) indigenous c) the Indian problem is not an ethnic problem is resolved with crossbreeding, d) is not a moral issue as it embodies" a liberal conception, humanitarian nineteenth-century, the Enlightenment, which in the Western political order encourages and motivates the "League of Human Rights" [7] , e) the problem of Indian education is not a problem because the socio-economic environment marked by gamonalismo conditions the chances of success of the teacher, especially when the survival of that depends on keeping the Indians in ignorance and subject to alcoholism, f) It insists that the new approach to indigenous issues is to seek the Indian problem, the problem of land.
Mariátegui chains these ideas with historical and political considerations. Raises the conquest in terms of carnage, which also (despite human efforts such as Bartolomé de Las Casas) mean the destruction of the Inca socioeconomic system, besides being unable to replace it with a new system that will organize production, throwing the indigenous population in a state of servitude. The insertion of the black slave to the Peruvian social dynamics did not improve the condition of the Indians, in contrast, the eventual mixing with the English created a new group, numerically inferior feeling, was close to the English and more resistant to the indigenous [8] .
In this logic the revolutions of independence did not mean (only nominally) an improvement in the conditions of indigenous peoples. Despite the issuance of new laws with egalitarian principles, the landed aristocracy in power undaunted retain their feudal privileges. So the revolution only means the rise of a new ruling class appropriates their land, thereby causing the dissolution of indigenous material and moral, given its special relationship to ground when you:
"The land has always been all the joy of the Indian. The Indian land has espoused. Feels that "life comes from the earth" and return to earth. Therefore, the indium can be indifferent to everything except the possession of the land his hands and his breath till and fertilize religiously. "
exploitation of other economic activities such as mining, also contributed to improving the situation of indigenous people, although they were aliens patterns [9] . However
the Indian cause was used for the benefit of demagogic politicians, and to the detriment of the struggle demands.
exploitation of other economic activities such as mining, also contributed to improving the situation of indigenous people, although they were aliens patterns [9] . However
the Indian cause was used for the benefit of demagogic politicians, and to the detriment of the struggle demands.
therefore conclude Mariátegui lapidary (remembering what had previously indicated their teacher Prada: "The solution to the problem of the Indian must be a social solution. Its directors should be the Indians themselves." And it believed it had a historical value the implementation of Indigenous Congress.
brings so (in a country with a large indigenous population and with significant primary sector of the economy) a new historical subject to the Marxist analytical tools, and new mechanisms to advance his revolutionary work.
III. Was raised the Indian problem in the first revolutionary projects Diogenes de la Rosa?
essayist, diplomat and politician from left Panama Diogenes de la Rosa was born on January 26 of 1904 and died on July 19 of 1998.
produced texts, still being chosen only for its proximity to the theme titles suggest, can consider the possibility of making a comparison of his thought on the Mariategui, particularly on the issue of Indian existence in its initial revolutionary projects.
En efecto no existe ninguna duda respecto de que Diógenes de la Rosa conociere el pensamiento de Mariátegui.
La incógnita queda despejada luego de una lectura despreocupada que se haga de su “Aprismo: Confucionismo”, que pertenece a los textos de la segunda década (1930-1939); se verá que de la Rosa menciona expresamente el nombre del iconoclasta marxista peruano [10] .
La incógnita queda despejada luego de una lectura despreocupada que se haga de su “Aprismo: Confucionismo”, que pertenece a los textos de la segunda década (1930-1939); se verá que de la Rosa menciona expresamente el nombre del iconoclasta marxista peruano [10] .
No obstante que la obra parece significar una toma de postura por parte de de la Rosa a favor de Mariátegui, respecto del ideario de Haya de la Torre; no deja de sorprendernos la aparente ortodoxia marxista leninista que transmite, la cual contrastaría no sólo con el pensamiento González Prada (present for others in the thought of Haya de la Torre), but even he could put online a collision with the ideology of his foremost disciple.
More evidence of the aforementioned orthodoxy can be found in a text later apparently [11] : the Manifesto of the Central Organizing Committee of the Workers Party (Marxist Leninist). Manifesto bootable external
unambiguously the Leninist vision of the conquest of power and the mechanisms to do so, by appealing to the masses and other actors to join the project for revolutionary
"COMRADES:
A fairly large sector of pure working strain and units of the middle class have been identified with the doctrine and revolutionary action of the proletariat, which is Marxism, we have become the organizing committee of the Workers Party (Marxist Leninist) in order to build a vast national organization masses that mounts an assault from the oppressive regime of capitalism going into the revolutionary line of Marxism-Leninism.
unambiguously the Leninist vision of the conquest of power and the mechanisms to do so, by appealing to the masses and other actors to join the project for revolutionary
"COMRADES:
A fairly large sector of pure working strain and units of the middle class have been identified with the doctrine and revolutionary action of the proletariat, which is Marxism, we have become the organizing committee of the Workers Party (Marxist Leninist) in order to build a vast national organization masses that mounts an assault from the oppressive regime of capitalism going into the revolutionary line of Marxism-Leninism.
To formally launch our revolutionary political action address this appeal to the oppressed masses of the country to farm workers and the city to landless peasants with smallholders suffer exploitation, dispossession and yoke of landowners or large landowners and the authorities who are defenders and their servants, to secondary students and above normal school already suffering the ideological oppression of the bourgeois-landlord class, professionals, technicians and the middle class elements they see every day further reduced the economic base and the spiritual outlook of life and they have no hope, no other way to escape the misery that followed the revolutionary leadership of the proletariat, class aimed at liberating other classes subject to double oppression of the bourgeois-landlord and Yankee imperialism. " (Emphasis added)
The reference to landless, means peasant or farmer to dry, the lack of land in the countryside or the landed gentry, are repeated in the text under consideration [12] . And yet no mention is made therein of the Indian problem.
The reference to landless, means peasant or farmer to dry, the lack of land in the countryside or the landed gentry, are repeated in the text under consideration [12] . And yet no mention is made therein of the Indian problem.
This is at least noticeable in a thinker like de la Rosa, considering the consciousness that reflects (in later writings) of the revolutionary potential demonstrated during the War of a Thousand Days, by the Indians fan of Victoriano Lorenzo [13] , due to the rancor that will produce the dispossession of their lands by large landowners and landlords, as well as the excesses of love against him and his peers [14] . Potential complaint, is trying to dilute through the actions of reactionary historians, who seek their opinion "debase the character of guerrilla action to strip its symbolic aura that surrounds the popular devotion to cancel the social meaning of their action" [ 15] .
Therefore it is not ignorance of the authors or the facts, which explains the silence of de la Rosa on the Indian theme. It is at this stage where we come the questions:
Is there a possibility that de la Rosa did not know at the time the Seven Tests Mariátegui?
Or then be ideological reasons which might explain the silence about the problem of the Indian in the initial draft of the Rose Revolutionaries?
Could it be that adherence to the orthodoxy of the Third International, when no time to Marxism-Leninism, to prevent him from de la Rosa thought (at that stage of revolutionary thought) about the possibilities of advancing the revolution to the Panamanian by (or with) a different historical subject proletarian?
How this might be the difference spite of the indigenous population in our country (for Peru) and why not the importance of Tertiary Sector in the National Economy?
So Rosa subsumes the Indian figure of the peasant without land?
Or is membership of the Rose to the orthodoxy or processing "to Mariátegui" of a proposal to the Panamanian Marxist, which is evidenced by its omission of the Indian problem versus its commitment to the proletariat as subject historical, which would be given after analyzing the Panamanian reality?
Could it be that the issue of private property against the issue of India (present in Mariátegui) is resolved in the initial revolutionary thought of the Rose with the expropriation without compensation of the large estates, as well as delivery to the landless farmers and agricultural communities for exploitation by collective methods?
How true the above, it would be the initial revolutionary thought of the Rose, without considering the special relationship of indigenous people to land, taken into account by Mariátegui?
Do you have or should have any relevance to what the Marxist-Leninist thought, then in vogue? What proposals offered by the Marxist-Leninist program for it?
When and by whom include indigenous issues in programs the left Panama?
The solutions to these questions deserve further reflection, that space and time spent in these few lines. Despite the rescue of some points of the Rose Programme in its Manifesto permitted from and to suggest paths for future responses (particularly the point c) [16] .
However, this work must not stop comparing the subsequent reflection of the author, which throws off the call as defined in the ethnic and sociological scene, the concept of the Indian and Indian, and the call to the First Congress Panamanian Indian [17] (call that reminds us the importance Mariátegui historical gave the Indigenous Congress).
IV. Conclusions
Although today the Indian theme occupies a significant place in the speeches and protest actions of the progressive Panamanian stamp all [18] , the truth is that at this point in writing not to leave to surprise the predictive value of the contributions (first in Prada and then Mariátegui) of Latin American political thought, when applied to historical and political evolution of Panama.
And apparently, indigenous peoples have finally been the architects of social solutions necessary to overcome their condition of oppression, or what is, in Marxist language, were erected in their historical subject.
about it reminded us very well in class were Dr. Castillero and indigenous groups who, in 1994, included through the process of constitutional reforms, the drafting of what is now Article 127 of the Constitution of the Republic of Panama, which include among other things, the right to collective lands [19] .
Regardless of the influence of Prada, Rosa Mariátegui or play (or not) in the minds of the Indians who drove and got the aforementioned constitutional reform, is at least interesting in the context of this text which is not by way of the abolition of the state or the revolutionary seizure of power followed by the dictatorship of the proletariat, but through democratic procedures in under a constitutional reform process, which took a step (at least formally) as significant to overcome the conditions of oppression of indigenous peoples.
This surprise left any orthodox thinker, but not so when we wrote the suspicious Bobbio Qual "Socialism? back in 1976, de la Rosa himself who played a outstanding participation in the constitutional process of 1946, or indigenous peoples themselves who love this experience, know what it means to their representation in Parliament by MPs of Indian origin. Therefore
proper understanding of the problems of the oppressed, added to which one has of the rules of democracy, the struggle for its improvement to achieve "pre-election parliamentary forum space (and otherwise) alternative discourses and participation in electoral contests, or any space where democratic participation is permitted, should be part of any program progressive option to understand the distance that has in reality, for the objective conditions necessary for the seizure of power by the hosts revolution; being perhaps the greater or lesser success achieved with these recipes, all the time allow them to continue stressing the political reality, giving them ability to bring concrete answers to specific people, to liberate them from the attacks of pain and misery.
since you gave me and probably not resist the temptation to call this reform proposal.
is the only alternative that occurs to a person with a few readings, but with some good friends, well informed, giving you the opportunity to hold great talks, but has some experience with it alone that are the victims of misfortune, and of the resistance offered by the world to be saved, but still hopes of being able to build a society where all are not only infinitely responsible for the fate of the other, but where it is possible to erase the sadness in the eyes of men.
Hopefully so, and found it could understand the Indian problem in order to prevent as now, only Indian (and Indian and understand here by anyone who suffers) remains the problem.
[1] Articles on the Victoriano Lorenzo Aprismo and are drawn from the work Diogenes de la Rosa. Witness and protagonist of the twentieth century. Compilation of his work. Publications of the Society of Language. Volume I., pages 229 to 234, 257 to 277 and 395 to 419 respectively.
[2] See for example : Diogenes de la Rosa. Definition of "Indian" and "the Indian" as an ethnic and sociological approach. Lottery magazine. - 2a. Time, vol. 7, no. 84 (November 1962), Panama: National Lottery, 1962, p. 84-92.
[3] Peruvian anarchist and writer, who perhaps will initiate at home thinking about the issue of Indian (see his book Our Native 1904, which includes Anti Hours later, Lima, 1908) was a clear influence on the thinking of Mariategui although after solutions to end on different oppression: he bet on the abolition of the state and class society, and that the seizure of state apparatus to the establishment of the transitional dictatorship of the oppressed over the bourgeoisie.
[4] See Latin American Marxism. Dictionary of Politics, led by Norberto Bobbio and Nicola Matteucci, Gianfranco Pasquino editor, editors of the English edition Jorge José Aricó and Tula. Twenty First Century Publishers. Bogota DC, Colombia. Third Edition, 1985, page 982.
[5] Ibid. Cit., P. 982.
[6] A footnote 1 of the work in comment, Mariátegui defined as follows gamonalismo and its implications:
"The term 'gamonalismo' means not only a social and economic category: that of the landowners or landowners agricultural. Designates a phenomenon. Gamonalismo is not represented only by the bosses themselves. Includes a long hierarchy of officials, intermediaries, agents, parasites. The Indian alphabet is transformed into an exploiter of his own race because gamonalismo puts service. The central factor of this phenomenon is the hegemony of the great feudal property policy and mechanism of the state. Therefore, it is on this factor on which to act if it wants to tackle the root an evil from which some are determined not to look but episodic expressions or subsidiaries. "
[7] Mariátegui reflection which motivate two quotations express his master Prada learned of the work our Indians to pages 8, or 3 and 4:
"the status of Native Americans can be improved in two ways: either the heart grieves for the oppressors to the point of recognizing the right of the oppressed, or the spirit of the oppressed becomes the manhood enough to teach a lesson to oppressors "
This goes along with these other reflections Prada on the condition of the Indian from the colonial era, echoed by the Republic:
" It could happen In other words, formally ordering the exploitation of the conquered and called humanity and justice the perpetrators of the operation, was intended to humanity is equally committed sins or wrongs is consummated. To remove abuses, it was necessary to abolish the divisions and mitas, in short, change all the Colonial regime. Without the labors of the American Indian would have been emptied coffers of the English treasure. "
[8] situation not unlike the case of Panama, as the collaboration of African descent with the defensive duties (among others) of the Empire will not only mean more urban presence, but important assessments of social mobility.
[9] Indeed the historical review of the Indian Problem, Mariátegui said:
"In the Sierra, the region inhabited mostly by Indians, there remains little changed in its guidelines, the most barbarous and omnipotent feudal system. The domain of the earth placed in the hands of the bosses, the fate of the indigenous race, falling to an extreme degree depression and ignorance. Besides agriculture, worked very primitively, the Peruvian Andes has another economic activity: mining, almost entirely in the hands of two big U.S. companies. In governing the salaried mine, but the pay is negligible, the defense of worker's life almost zero, the workers' compensation law flouted. The system of "Hitch", which advances through false enslaves the worker puts the Indians at the mercy of these venture capitalists. It is so much misery that condemns the feudal land that the Indians are preferable, however, what they might offer the mines. " (Emphasis added)
[10] Diogenes of Rosa. Witness and protagonist of the twentieth century. Compilation of his work. Publications of the Society of Language. Volume I, page 232.
[11] If we assume that this is the order followed in the aforementioned compilation of the work of de la Rosa, who suffers from both the index date as in text.
[12] Ibid . Cit., See eg pages 258, 262, 263, 264, 270, 271, 275 and 276 (a and c points to name one).
[13] Ibid. Cit. page 399.
[14] Ibid. Cit. p. 400.
[15] Ibid . Cit., P. 404. See also page 403.
[16] When not need of the left Panama to review all programs offered by different local currents on the left, which would not only rediscover the existence of a substantial past, but to advance a reflection of the achievements of liberalism, when not count as such programs is inconclusive, and to maintain force on the current national situation.
[17] Diogenes de la Rosa. Definition of "Indian" and "the Indian" as an ethnic and sociological approach. Lottery magazine. - 2a. Time, vol. 7, no. 84 (November 1962), Panama: National Lottery, 1962, p. 84-92.
[18] Very common are the allusions to the indigenous issue, for example in press FRENADESO either denouncing the repression in the struggle against hydroelectric projects, or claiming Panama's ratification of ILO Convention 169. Another example of these concerns can be seen in the inclusion of indigenous issues in the Shadow Report on the Situation of Human Rights in Panama, presented by the Human Rights Network (RDH-Panama) filed with the Human Rights Committee United Nations ( or UNCHR) in March 2008, in response to the presentation by the Panamanian government, in compliance with international obligations emanating from Article 40 of International Covenant Civil and Political Rights. In view of the civil society report, the external UNHRC a series of general comments, that the Panamanian government is called to fulfill, among which include:
"The State party should:
a) will effectively ensure right to education of indigenous people and that such education conforms to their specific needs;
b) Ensuring access of all indigenous people to adequate health services;
c) Carry out a consultation process with communities Indians before granting licenses for economic exploitation of the land they live, and ensure that no case such exploitation jeopardizes the rights recognized in the Covenant;
d) Recognize the rights of indigenous communities that are outside of the regions, including the right to collective use of ancestral lands, "
[19] "Article 127. The State shall guarantee indigenous reserve necessary land and collective ownership of them to achieve their economic and social. The law regulates the procedures to be followed to achieve this purpose and appropriate boundaries within which prohibits private ownership of land. "
[1] Articles on the Victoriano Lorenzo Aprismo and are drawn from the work Diogenes de la Rosa. Witness and protagonist of the twentieth century. Compilation of his work. Publications of the Society of Language. Volume I., pages 229 to 234, 257 to 277 and 395 to 419 respectively.
[2] See for example : Diogenes de la Rosa. Definition of "Indian" and "the Indian" as an ethnic and sociological approach. Lottery magazine. - 2a. Time, vol. 7, no. 84 (November 1962), Panama: National Lottery, 1962, p. 84-92.
[3] Peruvian anarchist and writer, who perhaps will initiate at home thinking about the issue of Indian (see his book Our Native 1904, which includes Anti Hours later, Lima, 1908) was a clear influence on the thinking of Mariategui although after solutions to end on different oppression: he bet on the abolition of the state and class society, and that the seizure of state apparatus to the establishment of the transitional dictatorship of the oppressed over the bourgeoisie.
[4] See Latin American Marxism. Dictionary of Politics, led by Norberto Bobbio and Nicola Matteucci, Gianfranco Pasquino editor, editors of the English edition Jorge José Aricó and Tula. Twenty First Century Publishers. Bogota DC, Colombia. Third Edition, 1985, page 982.
[5] Ibid. Cit., P. 982.
[6] A footnote 1 of the work in comment, Mariátegui defined as follows gamonalismo and its implications:
"The term 'gamonalismo' means not only a social and economic category: that of the landowners or landowners agricultural. Designates a phenomenon. Gamonalismo is not represented only by the bosses themselves. Includes a long hierarchy of officials, intermediaries, agents, parasites. The Indian alphabet is transformed into an exploiter of his own race because gamonalismo puts service. The central factor of this phenomenon is the hegemony of the great feudal property policy and mechanism of the state. Therefore, it is on this factor on which to act if it wants to tackle the root an evil from which some are determined not to look but episodic expressions or subsidiaries. "
[7] Mariátegui reflection which motivate two quotations express his master Prada learned of the work our Indians to pages 8, or 3 and 4:
"the status of Native Americans can be improved in two ways: either the heart grieves for the oppressors to the point of recognizing the right of the oppressed, or the spirit of the oppressed becomes the manhood enough to teach a lesson to oppressors "
This goes along with these other reflections Prada on the condition of the Indian from the colonial era, echoed by the Republic:
" It could happen In other words, formally ordering the exploitation of the conquered and called humanity and justice the perpetrators of the operation, was intended to humanity is equally committed sins or wrongs is consummated. To remove abuses, it was necessary to abolish the divisions and mitas, in short, change all the Colonial regime. Without the labors of the American Indian would have been emptied coffers of the English treasure. "
[8] situation not unlike the case of Panama, as the collaboration of African descent with the defensive duties (among others) of the Empire will not only mean more urban presence, but important assessments of social mobility.
[9] Indeed the historical review of the Indian Problem, Mariátegui said:
"In the Sierra, the region inhabited mostly by Indians, there remains little changed in its guidelines, the most barbarous and omnipotent feudal system. The domain of the earth placed in the hands of the bosses, the fate of the indigenous race, falling to an extreme degree depression and ignorance. Besides agriculture, worked very primitively, the Peruvian Andes has another economic activity: mining, almost entirely in the hands of two big U.S. companies. In governing the salaried mine, but the pay is negligible, the defense of worker's life almost zero, the workers' compensation law flouted. The system of "Hitch", which advances through false enslaves the worker puts the Indians at the mercy of these venture capitalists. It is so much misery that condemns the feudal land that the Indians are preferable, however, what they might offer the mines. " (Emphasis added)
[10] Diogenes of Rosa. Witness and protagonist of the twentieth century. Compilation of his work. Publications of the Society of Language. Volume I, page 232.
[11] If we assume that this is the order followed in the aforementioned compilation of the work of de la Rosa, who suffers from both the index date as in text.
[12] Ibid . Cit., See eg pages 258, 262, 263, 264, 270, 271, 275 and 276 (a and c points to name one).
[13] Ibid. Cit. page 399.
[14] Ibid. Cit. p. 400.
[15] Ibid . Cit., P. 404. See also page 403.
[16] When not need of the left Panama to review all programs offered by different local currents on the left, which would not only rediscover the existence of a substantial past, but to advance a reflection of the achievements of liberalism, when not count as such programs is inconclusive, and to maintain force on the current national situation.
[17] Diogenes de la Rosa. Definition of "Indian" and "the Indian" as an ethnic and sociological approach. Lottery magazine. - 2a. Time, vol. 7, no. 84 (November 1962), Panama: National Lottery, 1962, p. 84-92.
[18] Very common are the allusions to the indigenous issue, for example in press FRENADESO either denouncing the repression in the struggle against hydroelectric projects, or claiming Panama's ratification of ILO Convention 169. Another example of these concerns can be seen in the inclusion of indigenous issues in the Shadow Report on the Situation of Human Rights in Panama, presented by the Human Rights Network (RDH-Panama) filed with the Human Rights Committee United Nations ( or UNCHR) in March 2008, in response to the presentation by the Panamanian government, in compliance with international obligations emanating from Article 40 of International Covenant Civil and Political Rights. In view of the civil society report, the external UNHRC a series of general comments, that the Panamanian government is called to fulfill, among which include:
"The State party should:
a) will effectively ensure right to education of indigenous people and that such education conforms to their specific needs;
b) Ensuring access of all indigenous people to adequate health services;
c) Carry out a consultation process with communities Indians before granting licenses for economic exploitation of the land they live, and ensure that no case such exploitation jeopardizes the rights recognized in the Covenant;
d) Recognize the rights of indigenous communities that are outside of the regions, including the right to collective use of ancestral lands, "
[19] "Article 127. The State shall guarantee indigenous reserve necessary land and collective ownership of them to achieve their economic and social. The law regulates the procedures to be followed to achieve this purpose and appropriate boundaries within which prohibits private ownership of land. "
